Power sharing can benefit all Sri Lankans

Colombo, Sri Lanka — Sri Lanka is a plural society in which there are diverse communities. Its people see themselves as Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, Burghers, Malays, Buddhists, Christians, and Hindus, low country and Kandyan, and of various class and caste groups. Sociologists have documented the pluralism in Sri Lankan society from the earliest times, when writings were inscribed in stone carvings. It was acknowledged during the British colonial period when more than a dozen communities were described as inhabiting Colombo. However, in today's context, the main line of division is ethnic, with political parties being set up to advance ethnic agendas.


The diversity in Sri Lanka varies from province to province and locality to locality. The people who live in areas that have been traditionally multi-ethnic have developed coping mechanisms that are in advance of those to which ethnic diversity is less common. An area of old ethnic diversity and plural settlement is Puttalam in the North West Province, where I spent last weekend as a participant in a seminar on pluralism.



Puttalam has also come to bear some of the impact of the 30-year ethnic war that ended in the final defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. It is now home to tens of thousands of Muslim people who were expelled from the North by the LTTE in 1990. There are tensions between the traditional inhabitants and the newer settlers, who intended to be temporary settlers but have now resided in Puttalam for close to two decades.



One of the observations made at the seminar was that the traditional inhabitants of the Puttalam district have purposefully made accommodations to enable multi-ethnic coexistence. The main mosque in Puttalam town was constructed over seven decades ago, in a much more peaceful and optimistic time. Therefore a deliberate decision was taken to make the construction of the mosque an interreligious and inter-ethnic effort.



The architect who designed the mosque was of Sinhalese ethnicity, while the engineer who did the wiring was Tamil. Although there have been instances of inter-ethnic tensions, these have so far not got out of hand. In 1976 there were Muslim-Sinhalese clashes in Puttalam town, but these were an exception.



Throughout the seminar in Puttalam, the spirit of coexistence was manifested in the interaction and contribution of the participants. These included central government officials now working in the districts, local government officials from the Puttalam area, leaders of community-based organizations, Buddhist monks and other religious clergy.



This micro-level meeting of less than 40 persons, with its nonviolent and rational discourse, belied the ferocity of the national debate on issues of ethnicity and power sharing. The religious clergy represented their communities, and their willingness to interact and demonstrate empathy for pluralism reflected the ethos of their religions and their communities.



Unfortunately, they too are often bracketed as being in the nationalist category due to the debate that is currently monopolized by those espousing nationalist views on the political stage and national media.



At present, the national debate on the future direction of society in Sri Lanka is being dictated by the nationalist groups. They are dominant, but are not necessarily a majority in either the government or in the electorate at large.



The co-opting of Tamil and Muslim political parties into the ruling alliance and the manner in which they have been compelled to contest together in the forthcoming northern elections is an indication of the present governmental desire and design for unity within a single alliance. The vision appears to be one of ethnic minority participation within a centralized system of power, rather than of independent decision-making powers within a devolved system of power.



President Mahinda Rajapaksa has regularly stated that a political solution is necessary to resolve the ethnic conflict. At the same time however, there are other members of the government who are adamant that a political solution has become irrelevant in the aftermath of the defeat of the LTTE.



With the restoration of central rule over the entire country, this section of the polity sees no need for a political solution. It has even argued that to call for a political solution is to denigrate the sacrifices made by the Sri Lankan military to defeat the LTTE at such a high cost. The failure of previous attempts at a political solution have convinced them that the only way to deal with the problem is a military solution and continued military dominance so that another insurrection does not happen.



In the context of the LTTE's total military defeat there is obviously no further need to negotiate a political solution with the group. However, the roots of the ethnic conflict need to be dealt with in a democratic and peaceful manner, through negotiations with them. A stable and negotiated solution is necessarily one that ensures all sides that they have been fairly treated and that they are joint participants in the outcome. The purpose of devolution of power is to ensure that one section of the population does not feel it is being unfairly dominated by another section of the population or their political leaders.

By Jehan Perera

Column: Pursuit of Peace
In view of the dominant nationalist sentiment that is being articulated today, the government will face a problem with regard to enhancing the devolution of power to satisfy ethnic minority sentiment that could pave the way to a political solution. Some of the proposals being put forward are to increase the quantum of powers available under the present Provincial Council system, and to establish a Second Chamber of Parliament with representation from the provinces and with veto power over parliamentary legislation.
The current nationalist dominance of the Sri Lankan polity, coupled with the nearness of decisive national elections, not least the general elections, would reduce the likelihood of any substantial movement forward for the ethnic minorities.
On the other hand, if people see the devolution of power as empowering their own provincial council rather than resolving the ethnic conflict, it is unlikely that they will oppose such a strengthening. At the seminar in Puttalam, the participants complained about outsiders running their affairs, rather than people of their own area. They called for additional powers and financial resources to be made available to the people of Puttalam and their elected officials.
In other words, people who might be swayed by nationalist fears of the devolution of power as a solution to the ethnic conflict might be supportive of devolution of power to strengthen their own provincial council. This may be a way forward for the government in an election period.
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(Dr. Jehan Perera is executive director of the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka, an independent advocacy organization. He studied economics at Harvard College and holds a doctorate in law from Harvard Law School. ©Copyright Jehan Perera.)

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